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Recent moves by Chinese authorities reflect a growing urgency in addressing the country’s economic challenges, particularly in the real estate sector. The real estate crisis, exacerbated by the defaults of significant developers like Evergrande, has exposed the vulnerabilities of local administrations that depend heavily on land sales for revenue. Over the past weeks, new fiscal stimulus measures were announced, though the details remain vague. The government pledged additional support for local governments burdened by debt and hinted at policies aimed at helping them acquire land and assets from developers. Despite the central government’s messaging of confidence and control, these announcements did little to reassure the markets.

However, investor sentiment received a temporary boost following a widely publicised Caixin article suggesting that Beijing might issue up to 6 trillion yuan ($850 billion) in bonds over the next three years. This projection prompted Goldman Sachs to slightly raise its GDP growth estimates for China this year, although the bank still predicts that the country will miss its 5% target. While the Caixin article suggests a 6 trillion yuan bond issuance, historical comparisons to the 2008 stimulus package—also a vast fiscal response—indicate that such measures come with risks of inflation and debt dependency. While boosting investor sentiment in the short term, the move could present long-term challenges for China’s fiscal health.

Amid this uncertain economic backdrop, Liu Shangxi, head of the Chinese Academy of Fiscal Sciences, holds considerable sway within Beijing’s fiscal policymaking circles. He has argued with SCMP that China’s stimulus efforts should far exceed the current 6 trillion yuan figure. He warned that without decisive and unconventional actions, the country risks seeing its economy “fall off a cliff.” Liu’s comments suggest a dramatic shift from Beijing’s previously cautious approach to debt management, underscoring the government’s mounting concerns over potential economic collapse. His advocacy for more aggressive stimulus measures—far surpassing previous interventions, such as those seen in 2008—signals Beijing’s willingness to take unprecedented steps to stabilise the economy.

Although high-profile press conferences by China’s economic and financial authorities have sparked speculation, they have stopped short of providing concrete estimates on the scale of stimulus efforts, leaving many to wonder how far the government will go to stabilise the economy. China’s economic growth is slowing from the double-digit figures of previous decades as the country transitions toward a more high-tech, consumption-driven, and environmentally sustainable growth model, aiming to reduce exposure to geopolitical shocks. As the economy transitions to a more consumption-driven model, its broader geopolitical strategy, including its Belt and Road Initiative, may come under strain. A more internally focused China could slow its expansive infrastructure projects in developing nations, affecting its influence, particularly in Africa and Southeast Asia.

Internally, China’s economic policies—such as increased fiscal stimulus and unconventional debt management strategies—reflect the need to stabilise domestic challenges. However, these decisions also affect how China engages internationally. The case of China’s evolving relationship with Africa serves as a helpful paradigm for understanding how these internal economic dynamics might influence its broader international posture. As China recalibrates its economy, its relationships with other regions, especially Africa, will reflect and test its broader economic strategy.

For instance, China’s evolving economic engagement with Africa—across domains like trade, investment, and currency internationalisation—illustrates continuity and change. African countries, increasingly reliant on Chinese investment, particularly in infrastructure, are adjusting to the shifting patterns of Chinese engagement. For example, projects like the Mombasa-Nairobi railway in Kenya and various dam constructions demonstrate both the benefits and risks of Chinese investment. The policies within African countries and responses from global powers like the U.S. and the EU will shape how these dynamics unfold. Rising trade barriers in advanced economies may push African nations closer to China, deepening ties already marked by trade deficits and an increasing need for infrastructure and industrial investment.

At the same time, shifts in Chinese investment patterns—from infrastructure projects to industrialisation—will challenge African nations to improve their domestic environments, ensuring they can attract and sustain this new wave of Chinese interest. Furthermore, China’s international economic actions, including expanding RMB internationalisation and rescue lending, will depend mainly on how African nations respond to these opportunities amid fiscal pressures and growing global competition. African countries must make a concerted effort to diversify their exports to China as trade imbalances persist. Essential steps include implementing the AfCFTA to create regional value chains, utilising trade preference programs such as the green lanes initiative—as Kenya and Namibia are doing—and encouraging Chinese companies to invest in the refining and processing minerals in African countries.

In conclusion, the Africa-China relationship exemplifies how China’s internal economic transformations are closely linked to its international engagements. While China continues to reshape its domestic economy, the resulting policies will extend far beyond its borders, influencing its partnerships with Africa and its broader geopolitical strategies. Monitoring these internal dynamics is essential for understanding China’s future international behaviour and potential global economic and political engagement shifts. As the global economic environment becomes more complex, how China navigates its internal economic transformation will have profound implications for its role on the world stage.