- Jaishankar visits Beijing, signaling cautious India-China dialogue, without Modi’s involvement.
- Strategic tensions remain, including over minerals and India-Pakistan hostilities.
- India hedges bets, balancing ties with both China and a volatile U.S. administration.
On Formiche.net, Italian analyst and Indo-Mediterranean expert Emanuele Rossi reflects on whether the renewed India-China dialogue, under the multilateral framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), could become a testing ground for greater regional stabilization.
“It remains to be seen,” Rossi writes in the Italian outlet known for its focus on global affairs, “whether these signs of openness will translate into meaningful cooperation — especially on sensitive dossiers such as infrastructure security, access to strategic minerals, and the future of regional order in Asia.”
“For now,” he adds, “this appears to be more about strategic positioning and managing tensions. In fact, contacts remain below the top leadership level, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi deliberately staying out of the picture.”
This is the context surrounding Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s recent trip to Beijing, where he attended the SCO ministerial summit. On one hand, the visit represents a fresh attempt to cool a prolonged phase of friction between the two Asian powers. On the other, it falls short of signaling any full normalization of ties. The message emerging from the diplomatic outreach is one of tactical de-escalation, shaped as much by mutual interests as by mutual distrust.
Jaishankar met with Chinese President Xi Jinping and Foreign Minister Wang Yi, continuing a line of controlled engagement initiated by earlier visits to China from Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. The talks, though framed by the SCO agenda, also pointed to a shared interest in expanding bilateral cooperation — particularly in the economic domain.
Still, key strategic rifts remain. Jaishankar voiced concern over Beijing’s use of restrictive trade policies, hinting at potential export controls on critical raw materials. Such measures would come against the backdrop of a widening global industrial rivalry, in which India is positioning itself as a viable manufacturing alternative to China.
The SCO framework also exposed unresolved tensions in South Asia — especially between India and Pakistan. Despite both countries being members of the organization, there was no bilateral contact between Jaishankar and his Pakistani counterpart, Ishaq Dar. This diplomatic freeze reflects the lingering fallout from the May conflict, when India launched Operation Sindoor in retaliation for the Pahalgam attack, which New Delhi attributes to Pakistani complicity. Although a ceasefire was eventually brokered, the mutual closure of airspace remains in effect — a sign that the crisis has yet to be fully defused.
India’s approach to China, by contrast, appears more calibrated. The outreach could also be interpreted as part of a broader hedging strategy, especially given the unpredictability of the current U.S. administration under Donald Trump. In this uncertain geopolitical climate, New Delhi is seeking to broaden its strategic options by keeping lines of communication open with both Washington — where a trade deal is reportedly nearing completion — and Beijing, which may itself be considering fresh terms with the U.S.
India’s posture is not without ambiguity, but it reflects a pragmatic effort to contain friction while protecting core national interests. The fact that Prime Minister Modi has yet to engage directly in the process suggests that the thaw is carefully managed, proceeding at a senior — but not top — leadership level, and under close political supervision.
